It’s a hard moral contradiction to live with. My ethical aspirations among family and friends have no place in my political life. “One is neither to claim uniqueness for oneself nor to deny it to others,” advises Stanley Cavell. It is a worthy goal, but one our culture confines to private life. In political life, we must do just the opposite.
Within our contemporary political practices, claiming our own uniqueness while denying uniqueness to others is a fundamental strategy.
There’s a Jekyll and Hyde feel to the dilemma, and there’s no getting around it. Watch the political ads in any campaign. Their positive and negative themes are always framed this way. The opponent is defined in two-dimensional, dehumanizing caricature. The candidate –our candidate – is portrayed as a unique, fully human champion of the people.
Cavell’s words point to an ethic to live by, though the embodied, relational know-how required is more difficult to achieve than it is to describe. He is not saying we shouldn’t be proud of our individuality. He’s saying we shouldn’t claim a unique uniqueness above and apart from others’ collective sameness. But what do we make of a politics that denies this ethic on its face? A simple excuse won’t do.
There’s nothing new about the dilemma. Emerson, Thoreau and other American thinkers and writers avoided full political engagement in part because it seemed to have had the blood drained from it. Politics, to them (and to Cavell, who once told me he worried about his distance from politics), looks boneheaded and hard-hearted.
The ethical dilemma survives on the artificial separation of the private and public spheres. That separation was rationalized by patriarchal, rationalistic ideas about human nature. Enlightenment thought held that private, interpersonal relationships are muddied by emotion and sentimentality. Public decisions should be made with pure, unemotional, unmuddy reason. Cognitive science (see Antonio Damasio) has put the lie to the reason/emotion divide, and the ethical shortcomings of our public life are harder to justify.
In a sense, the Beatles asked the right question: Why don’t we do it in the road? Why are empathy, friendship, loyalty and tolerance excluded from the thoroughfare of public life?
Sadly, our contemporary political practices evolved in a moral vacuum, a vacuum created when the living, breathing, everyday morality of our private, personal lives was withdrawn from public life. When love and friendship are thought to be private matters with no role in public life, what’s left behind in the public sphere? Stick figures and statistics.
In a paradoxical twist, we fill the inhuman vacuum of public life with ever more grotesque private life caricatures. Trafficking in the private lives of politicians and other celebrities in many ways dominates “public life” that was supposed to be coldly rational.
Another consequence, one addressed by American thinker Marietta Kies a century before contemporary feminism’s “ethics of care”: unless the so-called public sphere of commerce and politics is invested with values of empathy and caring (Kies called it grace), freedom’s just another word for stealing what you can. Just about anything (including selfishness and greed) can – in the barren public sphere – pose as a value, as the right wing has happily discovered.
Kies, like George Lakoff and many others (including Barack Obama in his 2008 campaign), called for a return of empathy and social responsibility as public values. So wide is the artificial separation between public and private, however, their calls sound a bit out of place, in Kies’ time and Obama’s, too.
Progressives have difficulty expressing their values in the public sphere because those values were long ago banished to private life. This is why Lakoff’s critique of conservative morality seemed more valuable than his recommendations for progressive framing. The very vocabulary of social responsibility and caring appeared as a foreign language in a public sphere dominated by cold, utilitarian, overblown rationality.
How do we overcome the dilemma? There’s no magic answer. The effort is always going to be messy and imperfect. As a first step, we can bring our core values with us when we enter the public sphere. We can walk the walk and treat our allies as we would our friends and family. We can respond honestly to our opponents’ dehumanizing attacks, even if today’s rules of the game sometimes require a certain rhetorical brutality.



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No one ever taught me my values should not enter political discourse, therefore, to me, they are inseparable. The “moral relativism” that many show to support a particular candidate and use to scream down opposition, is a serious problem that deserves ridicule and scorn.
good morning, Glenn. It seems that polite public discourse has broken down entirely and will be difficult to ever get back. We can no longer disagree on the issues; we have to destroy the other person. It’s a very dangerous development and is, IMO, the thing that is making people not trust the gov’t or anyone involved in it.
Yes. The separation of private and public aids the right. As you note, it plays into their pretend skepticism of government (“their” government, of course, demand obedience). Anyway, it’s just one of many profound reasons to take on the challenge of solving the dilemma.
Don’t let anybody teach you now! I wish more of our fellow citizens skipped the class.
I can remember a time when the Dems and the Repubs in DC actually liked each other. Now it’s the politics of hate all the time. I have tried to figure out when and why this happened but can’t put my finger on it but Willie Horton comes to mind.
Just checking the repetitive “data base error” signal. Thanks.
That’s easy for you to say!
I think it is the elimination of moderate Republicans. The mighty right-wing wurlitzer for 20 years (led by Rush) has effectively demonized any and all Democratic principles and politicians to their audience. To these people, compromise means selling out. However, Nielson ratings are not the same as electoral success. The current political environment leaves the authoritarian cultists of the right leaderless and feel they themselves are free to flex their muscles by purging those who are not of “pure thought.” They better not catch any of “their candidates” giving foot massages to moderates behind the Winn Dixie. Hence, the right is entirely a fringe party.
But accomplishing the “elimination” of moderates implies the extremists might be extreme, but they are not fringe. The moral vacuum I’ve mentioned prepares the way for such extremism.
AND THE KILLIN’ GOEZ ON AND ON AND…
Citizen Glenn W. Smith:
“How do we overcome the dilemma?”
As with all contradictions between intellectual truth and social reality, we overcome the delimma with absoluite social, economic and political democracy under a rigid consitution of reason. “Awe” you might say, “that is SOOOOO 18th century”…and of course you would be correct. In fact the American Enlightenment concept of democracy, indiviuality and progress toward social justice that was offered to us by the Founding Fathers is the most revolutionary construct ever put forth in history. And if we lose the struggle to impliment this revolutionary idea or fail to advance it against the forces of power and wealth today, we will surely have reached the end of history.
Thanks for the Sunday readin’ from the scripture according to Smith, Brother Glenn, and for givin’ us a few moments of peaceful reflection.
KEEP THE FAITH AND PASS THE AMMUNITION, THE STRUGGLE IS ALL WE HAVE LEFT!!
This prompts heavy thinking and I am hungry. But it seems to me our Constitution attempts to address this and in whole is a guarantor of sanctity of private life and “uniqueness’ while delineating rights common to all and some modes and methods of addressing both aspects in assuring an orderly society.
Back later.
I’m frequently awed by your insights, 17th or 21st century, either one.
As Madison wrote explicitly in the Federalist, they knew they were designing a government with incomplete knowledge of human being and thinking. And that is humbling honesty. What most needs achieving now, besides revitalized institutions of democracy, is broad understanding of a fully human political universe — that is, who we are and what are responsibilities are to aid the flourishing of everyone.
Politics is frustrating. A lot of ideas that seem rational and likely to succeed are ignored or demonized, and too often I assume that the other side is lying and corrupt. There is some evidence for this, not just in their private lives, but in the reports of campaign contributions and sleazier forms of payoffs. Turning the other cheek to someone like Lieberman or McConnell isn’t easy.
Yes, the Constitution does protect the sanctity of the individual. But it doesn’t wall off the individual and her values from public life. What I’m after is an understanding that political life is just another form of interpersonal relations. It’s destructive to treat it as some kind of alternative human reality.
Turn the other cheek, but arm it first.
That is so well said. Just imagine – a fully human political universe.
I’d like to see what those who deny the concept of a “living” Constitution say about Madison’s thoughts, which were not limited to the Federalist.
There’s a book called The Corruption of American Politics: What Went Wrong and Why, by Elizabeth Drew. She had interesting things to say about how it used to be, and how it came to change.
I have a feeling that Roe v Wade, Moral Majority, and the ending of the Fairness Doctrine had a lot to do with it.
The only way to make our government and our politics treat us all as fully human is to be more authentically human as we engage in politics, and to treat others that way as well.
Very well said. Thank you.
In Rules for Radicals Alinsky writes about the cycle of revolution and counterrevolution. I’d say we’ve entered a stage of revolution against the abuses of the counterrevolution initiated by St Ronnie of Rayguns.
“Life seems to lack rhyme or reason or even a shadow of order unless we approach it with the key of converses. Seeing everything in its duality, we begin to get some dim clues to direction and what it’s all about. It is in these contradictions and their incessant interacting tensions that creativity begins. As we begin to accept the concept of contradictions we see every problem or issue in its whole, interrelated sense. We then recognize that for every positive there is a negative, and that there is nothing positive without it concomitant negative, nor any political paradise without its negative side.” Rules for Radicals, Chap 1, pg 15
Thanks, Margot. Had to leave to feed me.
You will not get to see that as long as progressives and /or Democrats fail to make an affirmative case for their own constitutional vision, and as long as they treat what is typically (if misleading) labeled originalism as a more legitimate approach to the law.
The Sotomayor appointment was a lost opportunity. Obama and Sotomayor started off talking about the importance of empathy, without much elaboration. This was a step in the right direction, but only a step. But they abandoned that for a silly formalism in the face of Republican attacks. Why should anyone treat progressive constitutionalism seriously when its proponents fail to treat it seriously?
The great power of originalism is not that it is coherent, consistent with legal traditions or reflective of popular opinion. It is none of those things. Its power is in the self-confidence it has given conservatives as they sought radical change in the law. As long as they have that confidence and we do not, they will not be answering to anyone.
Well said.
The righteous vision you refer to needs seeding — by us, as you are doing in this comment. It will be easier for progressive leadership to speak the vision if it’s already been spoken by us.
Well said!
Indeed, for us to speak that vision, the first step is to acknowledge that it is our role to do so – that law and the Constitution and our political system are here to serve human needs and concerns, that they are a product of politics (which is not the same as saying that they are politics.)
As James Madison said:
The second step is to actually do it.
A new book (I’m thinking I’ll go into next week) that speaks to what can be done is Anna L. Peterson’s Everyday Ethics and Social Change.
Excellent – I am looking forward to that.
Perhaps the first step is mockery of rationality.
Now, I don’t mean actual rationality. I mean the public conception of rationality, which has more to do with Spock than with common sense. The rationality of the Enlightenment, which proclaims that it alone is Truth and that it is a new, important thing on this planet that no one ever had until white people came up with it. This is patently false, science, reason, and rationality have been employed sicne Egypt was building the freaking pyramids, but it is an untruth that has stuck in the public’s mind.
And this untruth denies compassion.
Most liberal politics revolve around compassion. Unlike conservative politics, which tend to revolve around money, liberals wonder, quite literally, where the love is. The words used to demean liberalism include things like “hippy”, “they’d get us all killed by the other guy” (insert appropriate other guy- Communists, Terrorists, some other ist-, and “lazy”. Words reflecting a lack of hard-edged rationality.
We have to break this in half. Teach people that being loving and good can be its own rationality. We have to take it back. It’s eaten our religions to the point that Christianity is some weird parody of itself, it’s eaten our institutions to the point that freedom is a buzzword denoting illegal capture and torture, and its eating our culture. People are screwed up these days. Easy to be that way when everything you feel is supposed to be wrong and only the hardest part of yourself is right.
That’ll be step one, two, three, and four all together. Once that’s done, everything else will follow.
We need new words. A new vocabulary. Give the vocabulary of love new words- people, God bless them, aren’t really smart on average, so if you say old things in a new way, they’ll think it’s new. It could be a start…
That is the first task, and it’s an unending one
“In fact the American Enlightenment concept of democracy, indiviuality and progress toward social justice that was offered to us by the Founding Fathers is the most revolutionary construct ever put forth in history.”
–
That’s a joke right? No one really believes that.
You have a point. My faith does refer to it as the Great Commission, after all.