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 [Welcome author, Benjamin I. Page, Northwestern University, and host, David Watkins, Seattle University and blog - Lawyers, Guns and Money. - bev]

 Class War? What Americans Really Think About Economic Inequality

By Benjamin Page and Lawrence Jacobs 

Anyone unlucky enough to watch much Cable news in the weeks following the 2008 Presidential election was informed repeatedly by various talking heads that “America is (still) a center-right nation.” While the precise meaning of this claim remained somewhat vague, its deployment seemed desired to send a signal to the Democratic Party, who’d dramatically swept into power over the last two election cycles, that they should bear in mind the fundamental centrist conservatism as they govern, lest they go too far and suffer an electoral backlash for their overreach. This concern often appears alongside the claim that Obama’s tax plan, which raises the upper marginal tax rate to 1990’s levels (and well below average 20th century rates) along with small tax cuts for 95% of Americans, constitutes an act of ‘class warfare.’ 

Benjamin Page and Lawrence Jacobs have written a short, straightforward book that goes a long way toward sorting out some of the fact and fiction in this and other claims about the political beliefs of American voters. Page and Jacobs’ methodology here is simple—they evaluate, over time, a wealth of public opinion data on the views of Americans regarding economic inequality, equality of opportunity, and taxation. In addition to existing data, they commissioned a major inequality survey of their own, which was conducted in 2007. The central finding is one that many who’ve followed public opinion closely have long known—that substantial majorities of American have favored a number of policies that reduce economic inequalities and threaten opportunities, and they express a willingness to pay for these policies as well. In addition to this startling and direct finding, their analysis of the data reveals three other significant features about American public opinion on economic inequality:

Agreement. For those of us who follow politics closely, the fact that Republicans and Democrats largely agree on most issues regarding economic inequality will probably come as something of a surprise. Certainly, this fact often seems to have little effect on the behavior of Republican politicians, and would seem foreign to those who interact primarily with Republican Party activists and movement conservatives. But on question after question, over time, Republicans are generally only slightly less likely than Americans overall to support measures to reduce economic inequality and increase economic opportunity. A few examples: 72% of Americans affirmed the statement that “Differences in income in America are too large”—as did 56% of Republicans (pg. 44). 64% of Americans said they were willing to pay more taxes to support funding for early childhood education in kindergarten and pre-school, as did 57% of Republicans (pg. 59). Should the federal government see to it that everyone who wants to work can find a job? 67% of all Americans and 60% of Republicans say yes (pg. 62). Is it the task of government to see to it that no one is without food, clothing, or shelter? 68% of Americans and 61% of Republicans say yes (pg. 72). This pattern repeats itself with High-income Americans, who respond in a similar fashion to Republicans. There is little widespread disagreement amongst American voters on these issues, at least along the traditional cleavages where we’d expect to find it. 

Knowledge. A number of survey questions in chapter two indicate that Americans are actually quite knowledgeable about economic inequality. Many might find it inconsistent that a solid majority of American agree with the statement “In order to get people to work hard, large differences in pay are necessary” (pg. 33) while at the same time supporting measures to reduce inequality. But it’s not necessarily inconsistent at all. One can support inequality—even large amounts of it—and still recognize that we currently have too much, and more than is necessary for any socially beneficial consequences of inequality. On inequality issues, American public opinion is more knowledgeable than is often assumed. 

Complexity. What I’ve presented here is fairly straightforward, but Page and Jacobs introduce an important twist in understanding American public opinion on inequality. We are, in an important sense, philosophically conservative. Americans want work, effort and talent to be well-rewarded. They want actions and choices to have consequences, positive and negative. They remain suspicious that governments will spend our money well. But when our questioning moves from the realm of abstractions to specifics—health care, education, taxation, and the like, they seemingly abandon this conservatism and support action to reduce inequality. Page and Jacobs call this operational liberalism, which combined with philosophical conservatism yields a result they call ‘conservative egalitarianism.’  

These three features—agreement, knowledge and complexity, suggest a very different picture of American public opinion than we are often presented with in contemporary political discourse. But this analysis raises an obvious question—if there is so much agreement on these matters, why is there such tepid support for substantial inequality-reducing reforms? Page and Jacobs don’t tackle this difficult question until the end of the book. There are many possible answers, I think, and the ones they prefer—inaction due to the structure of American politics and, more importantly, interest group politics resulting in the overrepresentation of elite interests and perspectives in government, seem as plausible as any. Nevertheless, the book, while succeeding admirably at presenting a more accurate picture of American politics than is typically presented, left me wanting a more thorough discussion and investigation of the gap between political preferences and policy. Hopefully we can discuss that and many other issues raised by this important book today.

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