constitution_pg1of4_ac-s.jpgBlue Texan passes along this story:

In a segment aired at the news conference, Johnson tells Sen. Everett Dirksen, the Republican minority leader, that it will be Nixon’s responsibility if the South Vietnamese don’t participate in the peace talks. "This is treason," LBJ says to Dirksen. "I know," Dirksen replies, very softly. Confronting Nixon by telephone on Nov. 3, Johnson outlines what had been alleged and how important it was to the conduct of the war for Nixon’s people not to meddle. "My God," Nixon says to Johnson, "I would never do anything to encourage the South Vietnamese not to come to that conference table." Instead, Nixon pledged to help in any way Johnson or Rusk suggested, "To hell with the political credit, believe me." For Johnson and his top advisers, it wasn’t a matter of whether Nixon was telling the truth but whether accusing Nixon of meddling would give the appearance that Johnson — rather than Nixon — was using the war to influence the election.

Nixon was, of course, lying:

On October 31, 1968, President Lyndon Johnson announced on live television that the North Vietnamese government had agreed to continued peace talks in Paris, and to a cessation of attacks on South Vietnamese cities. In return, the U.S. would immediately stop bombing North Vietnam, and peace talks, this time including the Vietcong and the South Vietnamese government, would resume on November 6. Almost overnight, LBJ’s “October Surprise” delivered a much-needed shot of adrenaline to the moribund campaign of his Vice President and would-be successor, Hubert Humphrey, who had been trailing Richard Nixon in the polls throughout October. [...] But Nixon had an October surprise of his own. In the days leading up to LBJ’s announcement, the Nixon team met secretly with Anna Chan Chennault, a wealthy supporter of Chiang Kai-shek, co-chair of Republican Women for Nixon, and confidante of South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu. At Nixon’s behest, Chennault informed Thieu that Nixon would secure a better deal for his country, and that the Democrats were effectively prepared to sell out Saigon in order to secure peace at any price, as the phrase would later go. If Chennault could convince Thieu to stay away from the negotiating table, LBJ would look foolish, and the Democrats’ eleventh-hour gambit would fail.

And that’s exactly what happened.

But do you know how President Johnson knew that Nixon was lying? The FBI had wiretapped Chennault’s phone, that’s how. Hers, and thousands of other phones belonging to US citizens. That’s something I found – or rather, was reminded of – when looking up Anna Chan Chennault’s story.

Yes, it was illegal, even then. Well before FISA was a gleam in anyone’s eye.

So when people holler about the gutting of FISA and various parts of the Constitution, be aware that illegal wiretapping didn’t start with George W. Bush. It just never came to light most of the time. (Just ask any civil rights leader over the age of sixty.)

It’s not that our Constitution has been irreparably hurt by what’s happened over the past few years — it’s come back from far, far worse. (Again, just ask any civil rights leader over the age of sixty.) Our history has not been a long steady series of increasing limits on freedom; rather, it’s been one where great swaths of the Constitution, up until relatively recently, were honored mostly in the breach — or interpreted in ways that restricted the freedoms of most people, including all women.

This is why, as the late Steve Gilliard said, that running off to Canada or New Zealand or Brazil or whereever — or doing a virtual exile by running away from politics — is not how Americans should react to defeat or setbacks.  It is only when we quit that we lose.

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