[Please welcome Hina Shamsi of the ACLU.  Hina is an old friend, who has been working on human rights issues for some time, including as an observer at Gitmo and elsewhere.  Please stay on topic, be polite, and take any off-topic discussions to the prior thread.   Thanks!  -- CHS]

The most recent military commission hearings at Guantánamo, which I attended as an observer for the ACLU, were a reminder that even in the midst of one of the most ignominious episodes in this country’s military history, there are servicemembers, men and women of courage and honor, who are willing to risk their careers and livelihood to speak out against injustice. 

In a dramatic development in the commissions case against Mohammad Jawad, Lt. Col. Darrel Vandeveld, the lead prosecutor, resigned because he said he does not believe he can ethically proceed with the case. 

Vandeveld testified that he turned from a “true believer” to “truly deceived” when he realized that possibly exculpatory information and other records were not being provided to defense lawyers as required — and simply could not be — because the process for gathering, maintaining and transferring records was in "utter disarray." According to Vandeveld, the systemic flaws "deprive the accused of basic due process and subject the well-intentioned prosecutor to claims of ethical misconduct."  You can read more about Vandeveld’s reasons for resigning in a declaration he submitted to the Jawad commission, which is available here.

Vandeveld was not the first military commissions prosecutor to protest against commission procedures or evidentiary issues. 

In 2004, two prosecutors, Major John Carr and Major Robert Preston, asked to be reassigned rather than participate in proceedings tainted by torture and failure to provide exculpatory evidence to the defense.  Nor are lower-ranking military lawyers like Vandeveld, Carr and Preston the only ones to have protested the military commissions.  From the commissions’ original inception in 2002, some of the highest ranking military lawyers, including the Judge Advocates General of the Army and the Navy, protested against the Bush administration’s plan to use military commissions to try terrorism suspects, out of concern that the commissions would be seen as unfair and would sully the military’s reputation.  Their concerns have been borne out and today even “true believers” like Vandeveld recognize the commissions are a failure in every respect:  legally, ethically, morally and as a policy decision.

Nevertheless, the pressure from the administration to proceed with the commissions continues. 

Again during the last Guantánamo hearings, the chief military commissions prosecutor, Col. Lawrence Morris, was telling journalists he wants trials in five cases to be finished before the next president takes office. In two of Morris’ flagship cases, the United States has the distinction of being the first nation in modern times to prosecute child soldiers for war crimes: Omar Khadr was 15 when he was picked up, and Mohammad Jawad (from whose case Vandeveld resigned) was about 16. Each was severely abused in U.S. custody and Jawad appears to have been subjected to deliberate and systematic cruelty; he has tried to commit suicide.

The third case on Morris’ list is against Ahmed al-Darbi, who has said he was subjected to torture at the U.S. detention center at Bagram, in Afghanistan, during the time that some of the worst abuses there took place. In one of the remaining cases, that of Ibrahim al-Qosi, the defendant previously said he will boycott his trial because he thinks the system is stacked against him. 

And in the case of Ali Hamza Ahmed al-Bahlul, al-Bahlul told the judge during another hearing I attended that he won’t allow his lawyer to defend him; instead, he intends to criticize the proceedings throughout his trial. Ironically – and to the detriment of the United States’ goals – the military commissions system provides al-Bahlul with what he seeks:  based on his conduct during the pre-trial hearing, al-Bahlul sees himself as a vindicated warrior (he’s alleged to be Osama bin Laden’s media secretary) because the United States is using a military court to try him, under a system he can attack as unfair and illegitimate.

In the years my colleagues and I have been observing the military commission proceedings, we’ve never seen one that hasn’t been marked by chaos or dogged by concerns about coerced and secret evidence and other fundamental due process concerns.  I look forward to answering questions about the commissions and the role of the military in protesting the administration’s policies at Guantánamo – or what it’s like to be an observer at Guantánamo.

Related posts:

  1. Jawad, Ghailani Cases Challenge US Torture Under Rule of Law
  2. Gitmo: Obama Considers Gutting UCMJ Protections — For What?
  3. CAP Report Calls for Postponement of Gitmo Closure
  4. Vandeveld and Graham: A Tale of Two JAGs
  5. McCain, Lieberman Schooled on Rule of Law by Kris, Johnson