[Please welcome Jane Rhodes in the comments. As is our tradition during Book Salons, please stay on the topic of the book. Thanks, RBG]
The Black Power Movement transformed postwar America. However, this movement is usually viewed as the "evil twin" that abandoned the Civil Rights Movement's philosophy of non-violence, triggered a white backlash against racial equality, sparked violent riots in urban cities, and lured the New Left down a slippery slope of self-destructive revolutionary violence. Common wisdom indicts the Black Power era for it galloping sexism, outrageous polemics, and vigorous advocacy of racial separatism.
A new historical subfield that I have called "Black Power studies" has begun the long overdue process of historicizing the era. New works have challenged the temporal and chronological frameworks that locate the movement as largely a phenomenon of the late 1960s, instead arguing that Black Power activism paralleled and intersected with civil rights struggles between the May 17, 1954 Brown Supreme Court decision and the August 6, 1965 passage of the Voting Rights Act.
Moreover, this new scholarship is meticulously documenting what I call Black Power's classical period (1966-1974) and its impact at the local, regional, national, and global level.
The Black Panther Party (BPP) represents the most iconic group of the era. Since 1998 a series of anthologies, case studies, and historical overviews of the BPP have been written. Jane Rhodes' Framing the Black Panthers: The Spectacular Rise of a Black Power Icon represents perhaps the most sophisticated scholarly treatment to date of this controversial group. Framing the Panthers provides the most in-depth scholarly analysis of the way in which various media outlets (mainstream, liberal, conservative, radical, and the black press) shaped the BPP's image for popular consumption.
At the same time Rhodes documents the way in which the Panthers had a subtle and sophisticated appreciation for the role of mass media. Through their dense networks in the New Left, international contacts abroad, deft courtship of liberal, progressive and radical journalists, and, most important, the publication of the Black Panther newspaper, the BPP projected a Janus-faced image that was part urban warrior and part community organizer.
Framing the Panthers meticulously documents the way in which mainstream journalists characterized the group as violent and angry while simultaneously elevating the Panthers into a global public sphere that found them to be transcendent anti-heroes of a new age. By pouring through virtually everynewspaper article ever written about the BPP during its heyday, Rhodes sheds important new light on the Panthers' alliances with white radicals, their pivotal role in San Francisco State College's strike in the late 1960s, and their international prominence.
Like the larger Black Power era that they were part of, the Panthers have rarely received full intellectual consideration. One of the book's many strengths is its rigorously historical and intellectually critical interrogation of the BPP's political and intellectual legacy. Rhodes takes the Panthers' words, actions, and organizing seriously and in doing so reveals the way in which the group attempted to craft a revolutionary culture that would be both organic and rely on aspects of stagecraft. The more reporters, journalists, and documentary filmmakers proclaimed the Panthers to be the vanguard of the revolution the more concrete and real these assertions became. This is not suggest that the BPP engaged in mere revolutionary theater (although the group did have a singular sense for dramatic timing as witnessed by the May 2, 1967 "invasion" of the California state capitol), but that Panther leaders understood that "survival programs" and community patrols and other organizing efforts needed to be amplified to larger audiences, both within and beyond the black community, to make the group a credible harbinger of a global revolution.
Rhodes also connects the BPP to contemporary black history and culture, particularly aspects of the hip hop generation. In doing so, Framing the Panthers serves as an important corrective to the notion that the Panthers have no legacy and that the Black Power era they were a part of faded after one spectacular streaking ascent in the late 1960s. The legacies of Black Power and the Black Panthers continue to reverberate throughout African American political, intellectual, popular, and religious culture.
Framing the Panthers is one of the most important books written to date about the BPP. Well researched, analytically rigorous, and engagingly written, Rhodes' study constitutes a brilliantly original contribution to the history of the BPP, the Black Power era, and postwar American history. This is a book that deserves a wide audience both within and outside of the academy. Scholars, graduate students, and undergraduates will find it to be an indispensable tool to understanding the BPP?s dialectical relationship with diverse forms of media. General interest readers will enjoy the study's accessibility and be transported back to one of the most significant periods in recent American history, an era that remains crucial to understanding contemporary race relations in the 21st century.
Peniel E. Joseph is author of Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America and Associate Professor of African and Afro-American Studies at Brandeis University.
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Jane welcome to the Lake.
Hello Jane, thanks for coming to firedoglake!
Thank you so much for being here today Jane, and thank you also Dr. Joseph. Your introduction sparks a lot of interesting points of discussion, particularly with regard to the media’s treatment of the Panthers, and how they were successfully denigrated and — as you say - given the status of “transcendent anti-heroes of a new age.” Do you see echos of that happening today?
Dr Joseph welcome to the Lake and thank you for hosting today.
Hi There,
glad to be on firedoglake. I look forward to everyone’s comments.
Jane
Professor Rhodes,
Glad that you are here. I am very much looking forward to this.
Professor Rhodes,
At the outset, let me say that I believe that Framing the Panthers is one of the most important books written to date about the BPP. It also provides the most comprehensive examination of the Panthers’ relationship to mass media. What inspired your research on the BPP and why the particular focus on media?
Welcome to the Lake. My strongest memory of the Black Panthers is that they had a breakfast program for the needy children. That spoke volumes to me. I look forward to reading the book.
Yes, today’s media treats black radicalism much the way they did forty years ago–to be ignored, condemned, or somehow commodified. Perhaps the most recognizable difference is that contemporary media generally tends to ignore activism–it’s rarely deemed newsworthy or salient. Rather, activists are rendered invisible unless they are singled out for some kind of remarkable treatment. This corresponds to the rightward turn of the media since the 1960s-70s.
JR
Why do you think the Black Panthers were framed? By whom where they framed politicians, the press, the racists etc, which narrative do you think has won? Which narratives are still playing out today amoung some segments of the population?
Professor Rhodes,
You also devote considerable attention to the BPP’s impact on American and African American intellectual and literary culture of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Indeed, the BPP, like many of the were a radical group who delighted in the serious engagement with ideas. Yet this legacy, as you point out in your study, is often lost amid denunciations by white liberals and disillusioned radicals who accuse the Panthers of seducing them down the slippery slope of self-detructive “revolutionary” violence. In fact the group’s legacy is much more complicated than this. Can you discuss the BPP’s intellectual legacy as exemplified in their quest to create a usable revolutionary culture and the writings and speeches of leaders such as Huey P. Newton?
Jane and Peniel welcome to FDL.
Thanks for your time, Professor Rhodes. For some reason, whenever I think back to the days of the Black Panthers, I think of Sly and the Family Stone. Was there any crossover?
Professor Joseph,
Thanks for your question. I came to this book from multiple positions–as a “child of the sixties,” as a former journalist, and as a media scholar. My interest in this subject was sparked in graduate school when I was studying the 19th century black press and I remembered reading the Black Panther newspaper as a youth. I began to see many parallels between 19th century black American’s quest for a voice and the efforts of groups like the BPP a century later. I was also curious about why the Panthers seemed to be such resilient figures in popular culture. I’m sure, as a Professor of African American Studies, that you’ve noticed that Malcolm X and the BPP are very much in the conciousness of today’s youth; I wanted to find out why. Finally, scholars who have assessed the role of the media during the 1960s have generally failed to consider how race shapes press coverage–this was something I wanted to interrogate closely.
JR
“First they ignore you, then they ridicule you, then they fight you, then you win.”
http://www.quotedb.com/quotes/2776
That is not dead which can eternal lie.
And with strange æons even death may die
HP Lovecraft http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cthulhu
Hope never really dies.
Professor Rhodes,
The Black Power Movement fundamentally transformed American democracy. At the local, regional, national, and international level, Black Power militants criticized democracy jagged edges of racism, sexism, violence, war, poverty, and inequality. However, most historical accounts fail to see the black militancy of the 1960s as advocating a larger and more expansive vision of democracy. One of the great strengths of Framing the Panthers is that it acknowledges, with dismissing the BPP’s commitment to Marxism, the group’s importance in substantively transforming democracy. Can you talk a little about the BPP and American democracy?
Professor Rhodes what do you think about the Boondocks Cartoons attempt to carry on the message?
Welcome Ms Rhodes and Dr Joseph -
this week of course there was plenty of discussion about COINTELPRO’s failure to get the media to bite on stories about Dr King - the Panthers were a whole ‘nother story for ‘journalists’ now weren’t they
Hi, and thank you for coming to discuss this important topic.
Down here in New Orleans, we’ve seen a lot of activity by the New Black Panther movement … do you see this as a revival of the historical black panther movement or is it something new? I’m seeing some interest in the campus where I teach and I’m trying to get a feel for the connections between the past and current movements.
Professor Rhodes
Forty years ago this week I was in an artillery unit in the field just south of the Korean DMZ. I was an 18 year old white kid from the Chicago suburbs who knew just about zero about the real world. I’ll never forget when we got the word that Martin Luther King had been killed. There were a couple of militant brothers in my unit and one of them said “It’s about time they offed that oreo, it’s been __ years since they killed Malcom”. Needless to say I was stunned. In the next couple of years in both Korea and Vietnam I got to know other brothers who were tired of turning the other cheek. Some of these guys I considered friends although they made it clear that “back in the world” they would not give me the time of day. My association with these men instilled a sense in me that people needed to stand up for what they believed and this led me to become actively involved in the anti-war movement when I came home. No one seduced me but I sure learned something.
Professor Rhodes,
You devote an entire chapter to the Trial of Huey P. Newton. In many ways, this trial represented the most important event of 1968–even more important than MLK’s assassination–since it cultivated so many disparate forces into a coalition that defined the BPP as a vanguard of a larger global revolution that used Black Power as its clarion call. Discuss the importance of the Free Huey Newton Movement for the era in terms of media, crminal justice systems, local organizing, national mobilization, and the creation of international newtorks that became passionately identified with the Black Panthers in particular, but with Black Power generally?
Indeed, the Black Panthers instituted numerous “survival program” after they had been in existence for about two years and began to establish chapters around the country. The best known was the Breakfast Program, which sought to feed inner-city children not served by social programs. The Breakfast Program served several functions–to address an immediate need in black communities, to build good-will among their constituency, and to highlight the government’s failure to address poverty and inequality. It was also designed to show the “gentler side” of the Panthers–that they were not only about guns and violent rhetoric. One of the reasons that many remember the Breakfast Programs is that they received coverage on local and national news–there were stories on network television, in the New York Times and Wall Street Journal, and in other venues. The news media often contended that the Breakfast Program was a propaganda strategy used by the Panthers to ingratiate themselves with children.
JR
I began to see many parallels between 19th century black American’s quest for a voice and the efforts of groups like the BPP a century later. I was also curious about why the Panthers seemed to be such resilient figures in popular culture. I’m sure, as a Professor of African American Studies, that you’ve noticed that Malcolm X and the BPP are very much in the conciousness of today’s youth; I wanted to find out why.
Do you think the war in Iraq today is pushing the same causes that the Viet Nam war did in the creation of the Black Panther party?
Professor Rhodes,
Framing the Panthers sheds important new light on the interaction and alliances between the BPP and white radicals. The BPP became an entree for magazines such as Ramparts and the Guardian to connect their radical movements to Black Power. At the same time, many of these radicals engaged in a form of condescension of the BPP’s intellectual abilities, positing them more as celebrities and warriors than thinkers and intellectuals.
Can you discuss the relationship between the BPP and the New Left? Not just SDS but writers such as Gene Marine and Jean Genet who found the group to be both exhilarating and terrifying at the same time.
In my experience many “white radicals” were more interested in hearing themselves talk and proving how smart they were than actually doing anything.
There is still a need for a healthy school breakfast/lunch program for poor people the food they serve now is low quality, unhealthy, etc. Perhaps an organic food program today would be better.
Didn’t many of them grow up to become today’s NeoCons:)
Professor Rhodes,
On page 8 of Framing the Panthers you write, “The Panthers rejected any identification with the United States, which they deemed the source of black oppression, yet they embraced the nation’s democratic principles in a hopeful quest for social change.” This is the kind of subtle, nuanced, and sophisticated parsing of the group’s legacy too often missing from scholarly and popular understanding of the group. Can you go into more detail in describing how the BPP embraced democratic principles? In waht way was this embrace contradictory considering the group’s lack of internal democracy and its pro-Marxist polemics?
David Horowitz, oh yea. More of them became professors.
Hey,
great questions!!
1. The Panthers were “framed” because of their agenda and their strategy. They addressed the state and issues of racism through their confrontations with the police. They refused to “behave” in normative and conventional modes, chosing instead to be aggressive, belligerent, and sometimes outrageous. Their rapid growth and popularity terrified the government and law enforcement agencies. Mostly, they embodied the figure of angry, assertive, and unpredictable black masculinity–the haunting spectre of black revolt.
2. They were framed simultaneously by the media and by the state (local police, the FBI, Congress, etc.)
3. The narratives changed over time–from constructing them as dangerous, violent, and threatening to heroic revolutionary figures
4. Today’s narratives generally conform to one’s political identity; as I’ve gone around the country talking about this book, I hear some people invoking the narrative of violence and criminality; I hear others invoking the narrative of courage and resistance.
JR
Yep, that’s pretty much what happened with MoveOn and Petraeus/Betray Us.
Thanks for such a thoughtful answer.
FWIW, I think the BPP was a very mild response to the institutionalized violence that the slaves and their descendants faced after the Civil War. I find the overwhelming majority of European Americans are completely ignorant of the consequences of legalized white (and male) supremacy after 1865. They simply do not know the facts about the systematic destruction of the attempts by the descendants of slaves to create a middle class, lynching, the Colfax Massacre 1873, Tulsa 1921, Rosewood FL, 1923 and many more I am ignorant of. Probably even more destructive , however, was the legal withholding of education from the descendants of the slaves. I only learned about this in hearing Buck O’Neil (KC Monarch 1st basemen) disclose that in the 1920’s only four high schools in the entire state of FL allowed “non-whites” of both genders. Regardless of ethnicity, if any subgroup in a technological age is systemically deprived of access to education, they consequences are all too predictable.
I have not yet had an opportunity to read your book, apologies. However, I did recently attend an “inns of Court re-enactment of he trial of the Chicago Eight, during which–as I’m sure you know– the judge ordered Black Panther Bobby Seale bound and gagged for having the temerity to represent himself.
How much do you think that trial had to do with “framing” the coverage of the Black Panthers in the minds of the low information voter?
Professor Rhodes,
You spend considerable time discussing the way in which the BPP shaped its own counternarrative to popular accounts that characterized them as violent and angry, if also seductively charismatic. Their primary vehicle was the Black Panther newspaper. Can you discuss the newspaper’s importance? What was so special about the paper content-wise? How influential was the art of Minister of Culture Emory Douglass? How important were finances generated from selling the paper to the organization’s stability, morale, and cohesiveness?
Professor Rhodes,
Can you discuss the Panther-boon in newspaper articles, books, magazines, etc. during the late 1960s? Framing the Panthers persuasively argues that without subject like the BPP the “new journalism” and the careers of literary luminaries such as Tom Wolfe would be very different.
On a related note I was relatively surprised to see the paucity of BPP coverage in the NYT especially when compared to the Oakland Tribune and San Francisco Chronicle. What are we to make of this? Were the BPP an only intermittantly national newstory (at least if one goes by the calcified standards that accord the NYT the position as America’s Paper of Record)?
Professor Rhodes,
Sticking with this notion of a Panther-industry that cropped up in the late 1960s/early 1970s that included memoirs, sensational first hand-accounts (I was A Panther), and gratuitous journalistic accounts (Panthermania!). What was the overall impact of these books and stories?
Professor Joseph,
I am delighted that you appreciate my discussion of the Panther’s intellectual legacy. I think the BPP in the late 1960s and early 1970s were deeply conscious of the necessity to leave behind a cultural, political and intellectual legacy. Although most of them were quite young, they all were cognizant of the possibility that they would die early or somehow be silenced. They were responding to what they saw as an aching need among poor, working class, incarcerated, or otherwise marginalized black youth for someone who could translated their condition into analytical terms. The writing of Huey Newton, Bobby Seale, and others was not always eloquent or consistent, but it was passionate and inspiring for their constituency. And it was taken up by the white left intelligensia as representative of a bolder, more radical black politics. I like your idea of creating “a usable revolutionary culture.” The Black Panther’s roots were not in the academy, but rather in the street; they put considerable effort into producing print, aural and visual culture that could be consumed and used by their constituency.
JR
Hey Boo!!
JR
“Sometimes I’m right, and sometimes I’m wrong. My own beliefs are in my song.”
I grew up partying to Sly and listening to the Panthers and other activist voices. You might say Sly and the Family Stone were part of the backdrop to the revolution!
JR
Professor Rhodes,
In your discussion of Eldridge Cleaver you note how the BPP, despite admonishing the use of Afrocentric version of Black Power, they appropriated these same flourishes. This forces a re-examination of one of the hoariest cliches of the era: political or revolutionary nationalism vs. cultural nationalism. In many ways this false dichotomy serves to obscure more than it reveals. Can you discuss the BPP’s notion of culture and how it converged and diverged from Black Power activists who made an African centered approach to black liberation central to their politics?
Professor Rhodes,
Can you discuss the impact of Minister of Education George Murray and the pivotal role he played in the San Francisco State College Strike?
Professor Rhodes,
What impact did the BPP have on the creation of the Black Studies? Certainly Huey P. Newton had been part of the Bay Area Afro-American Association, a black consciousness raising group that started at Berkeley in 1960. Other members included Maulana Karenga who later started a LA chapter. By 1965, Newton and Seal were part of the Soul Students Advisory Council which was pushing for Black Studies on the campus of Merritt College. Newton and Seale broke with SSAC (which was a front group for the Revolutionary Action Movement) over their wish to stage a protest wearing arms. Yet by the late 1960s the BPP had serious cache on Merritt’s campus, at Berkeley, and especially S.F. State where Murray was an instructor. So, what role and impact did the BPP have in helping to shape the Black Studies Movement of the late 1960s?
Professor Joseph,
your book, “Waiting Till the Midnight Hour”, does a remarkable job of linking the Black Power movement to the traditions of protest and American democracy. The Black Panthers used the democratic principles of freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, and individual rights to underscore their demands while simultaneously demonstrating the ways in which they functioned outside of the system. At their best, the BPP wanted to reveal the contradictions between democratic principles and the repressive or discriminatory practices of the state. Ironically, the FBI and Congress believed the Panthers were intent on a violent overthrow of the country. If you read the Panther’s 10-point platform, their most radical proposals were to exempt black men from the draft and to release black men from the prison system. These were obvious critiques of the Vietnam war, of the exploitation of black male bodies, and the inequalities of the criminal justice system. These were interpreted by the government as a fundamental afront to the nation–in other words, to be critical or defiant was deemed undemocratic and unpatriotic.
JR
In Framing the Black Panthers I talk about Boondocks as an example of “critical memory”; a way to remember the Panthers within the context of contemporary culture. The character Huey Freeman constantly carries the banner of a socially conscious black militancy, which is juxtaposed against his younger brother Riley who doesn’t seem to get the point. I think McGruder’s characterization of contemporary black political discourse is brilliant.
JR
I recall BPP newspapers that were distributed around mostly white college campuses by mostly white women. I know those women considered themselves part of a vanguard, “in the vanguard” being thrown around quite a lot back in the day. I don’t know if they were simultaneously involved in feminist development at the same time, but it is interesting in this context to read the sometimes vicious debate that is going on today between some Clinton and Obama partisans.
Good point, and good connection to current narrative’s about King’s assassination. The press was loath to denigrate King, who functioned as the iconic “good” black activist (a serious misrepresentation of his politics); the Panthers, as the “bad” blacks, were the perfect media foil. In my research, I found many instances of COINTELPRO-inspired misinformation seeping into news converage.
JR
My take at the time (late 1960s early 1970s) was that the Black Power movement arose in the late 1950s and existed parallel to, and not entirely in harmony with, the white anti-war and pro-feminist movements.
FWIW, as a white, apolitical college student in the 1960s, I cheered all the BBP individuals and their actions.
The New Black Panthers have been repudiated by Panther founder Bobby Seale and other former members of the BPP. Clearly, The New Black Panthers employ the style of the earlier group as a means to mobilize black communities to protest police brutality and other issues. And the press rarely differentiates between the original group and this new incarnation. The New Black Panthers have connections to Khalil Muhammad, who was ousted from the Nation of Islam. Many former Panthers find these connections troubling. But, there has also been a revival of former Panthers intent on continuing their work from 40 years ago. Young people on college campuses need to do their research and make sure they understand what are the goals and positions of the various groups using the Black Panther mantle.
JR
Dr Joseph, your book looks really interesting
http://www.amazon.com/Waiting-.....0805075399
-snip-
An astounding answer, Ms. Rhodes.
Thank you so much for visiting today.
I grew up in Northern California, where the exploits of the Panthers were linked to Donald DeFreeze and the SLA by some very cynical (Ronald Reagan) and evil (Ronald Reagan) voices. I can recall some law enforcement and local political leaders going to great lengths to portray the Black Panthers as being progenitors of these violent lunatics in a shocking “look back in history to the genesis of these angry killers” fashion.
And although few if any were so loathsome as to point as far back as Dr. King and the Civil Rights movement, there was an unmistakable impression left that they were so linked.
It was an amazing time.
Raven,
your recollections are extremely valuable in helping us make sense of this profoundly complicated era. Black American’s responses to the trauma of Malcolm X’s and MLK’s assassinations wasn’t pretty. Black anger was palpable, and often misdirected. I’m glad you made it home!
JR
Professor Rhodes,
On page 276 of Framing the Panthers you write that “The Panthers’ insistence that they identified with and spoke for all oppressed people resonated with the downtrodden as well as those seeking radical chic.” Can you elaborate on this?
WRT
what I refer to as white supremacistframing, I don’t know if this is accurate, but it’s my very incomplete surmise:Booker T. Washington versus W.E.B. Dubois
Joe Louis versus Jack Johnson
Willie Mays versus Jackie Robinson
Dr. King versus Malcolm X and the BPP
Joe Frazier versus Muhammed Ali
Professor Rhodes,
I would like to ask one long summation question, one that is really multi-parted. First, can you briefly discuss the group’s international iconography? Your last chapter deals with the group’s rise and fall. Can you discuss the media’s portrayal of the BPP during and after the 1971 split? How was the BPP period in Oakland as powerbrokers discussed by the press? Can you discuss what happened to the group after the early 1970s?
What about the BPP’s impact on contemporary generations? Do young people really know what the group stood for? Why all the interest in the group over four decades later? Lastly, what was the group’s most significant contribution?
The Free Huey movement helped the Black Panthers concentrate their energies toward a central goal–to exonerate Newton and build an international movement for his support. I think the movement helped other aggrieved groups to find a way to identify with the Black Panthers; Newton became the stand-in for every person who believed they had been unjustly treated by the police, by the courts, and by the media. The BPP deployed a brilliant strategy of building coalitions with other Black Power strategists like Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, and James Foreman; with white left groups like the Peace and Freedom Party; with other activists in communities of color like the Brown Berets; and with a global network of Panther supporters. These coalitons didn’t necessarily last very long–too many grievances between activists; too much stress and conflict; too many agendas and ideologies. But this broad array of supporters helped catapult the Panthers into the public eye.
JR
Per Dr. Rhodes above, thanks Raven.
Yes, I’m really interested in that … I see a deep process of search among my students for a sense of empowerment and self-pride, every one down here is very angry still about the Katrina and Jena… I’m seeing about as many Huey and Malcom X shirts as I’ve seen in a long time… there’s this strong need to connect with the Panther identity and some sense of a strong community response and movement. There appears to be renewed interest in many of the Panter Strategies.
Hey,
I haven’t yet seen the Chicago 8 film–I’d be interested to hear what others think about it. The chaining and gagging of Bobby Seale during the trial served to reinforce the Panther’s contention that their speech was suppressed and their fundamental rights denied. The cover of Bobby Seale’s memoir was a courtroom rendering of him being bound and gagged at the trial; it was an indelible image of black American’s fate in the courtroom.
JR
Any attempt to connect the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s with the attempt to get justice for blacks today will fail.
Because there is no connection.
In the 1960s and early 1970s, the Black Power movement was reacting against open racism (e.g., Jim Crow laws).
Today, racism is much more insidious. Shrub has Condi (and had Colin Powell) as Secretary as State. So no one, much, can accuse him of being racist.
But, of course, whites like shrub have simply learned how to exploit blacks.
Excellent review, Dr. Joseph, and thanks so much for coming by, Ms. Rhodes.
I’m wondering if you both were as appalled by David Brooks’ latest NYT column — the one in which he essentially parrots what you both describe as an obviously stereotyped view of black activism after and outside of M.L. King — as I was.
I remember, as a teenager, seeing the Black Panther Newspaper on the streets and subways of New York, where I grew up. The paper became commonplace, alongside the other radical periodicals of the day. It helped to attract recruits, explain the Panther’s positions, and provide an outlet for young writers and budding radicals. The newspaper also became the most reliable source of revenue of the organization–funds that were badly needed to pay for lawyers, bail, and programs. There were many efforts to suppress the Black Panther newspaper, including dousing packages of the paper with noxious chemicals and ink and airlines “losing” batches shipped across country. The FBI targeted the Black Panther Newspaper as being one of the most dangerous weapons the organizaton possessed.
JR
Or this, where CNN says modern blacks shun MLK’s word?
Many whites, male and female, found a way to express their solidarity with black American struggles by assisting the BPP. Some of these efforts were genuine, others less so. Selling the BPP newspaper was a visible, but not particularly dangerous, way to demonstrate this support. Your question brings up the very fraught issues over interracial alliances–be they political or personal. The Black Panther Party expressed a strongly black-centered ideology, yet they were indebted to the support they received from white allies.
JR
I was so hopeful back in the late 60’s that America would become a true melting pot - with all considered equal.
I guess my question is where did these movements go ‘wrong’ and what can be done to recapture that energy we had back then? The feeling that we could make real change for the better seems to have gone.
Professor Rhodes,
so outside of national politics, who is getting the BPP treatment from the Media today ?
Since we’re running out of time, I will try to briefly address some of your very important concluding questions.
1. the BPP was very succesful in constructing themselves as the “vanguard” or revolutionary social movements, and they served as a model for international groups ranging from Europe, to India, to the Caribbean, etc. While these groups faced different problems, they found the Panther’s strategies useful and their example worth following.
2. In the late 1970s, the BPP was portrayed by the media as a broken, bereft group that had dissolved into a cycle of violence and internecine disputes. There was some truth to these accounts; the vibrant organization of a decade earlier had pretty much disappeared and most of the early leadership, except Newton, was gone.
3. Despite the Panther’s mistakes and problems, they remain a potent symbol of radicalism for contemporary activists. Their refusal to back down–their creative use and appropriation of media–their ability to translate their agenda to the masses–all offers important lessons. At the same time, the fact that they were hounded by government and ultimately taken-down stands as an everpresent warning to dissenters everywhere.
JR
Professor Rhodes,
Looks like were drawing to a conclusion. Would you mind answering my last question, which I previously posted?
This may be my final word–the struggle continues, but it’s much harder to find!
JR
Thanks for your response and for agreeing to do this forum. Your book is a groundbreaking scholarly contribution to this history and a great teaching tool. Thank you for your work and commitment to re-evaluating the Panthers and the Black Power era that gave birth to them.
good points, especially that last one, to remember
thank you so much again for speaking with us
This has been my pleasure!!!
JR
Professor Rhodes and Professor Joseph, thank you both for coming to the Lake and spending the afternoon with us. We’ve enjoyed the conversation.
Thank you again.
Suzanne
It’s not so much that the movements went wrong. It’s a long time in eternity. We’re all human. We do what we can in small increments.
You play a part in this movement.
Sometimes we gotta cry, laugh, sing, rage…
It’s a big, big picture and we do what we can in the venues we have sought and found.
thank you so much for your contributions and framing of this subject, it was a very insightful discussion
Jumping in late, sorry to have missed the conversation, but this has been an excellent discussion and introduction.
Hopefully, new online media activists can forge alliances and design points of collaboration together with radicals for change and coalitions of color in contemporary times without making some of the mistakes that fractured such alliances in the past, and without being pitted against each other by common enemies.
Doubtless, even if we can learn the lessons of the recent past and avoid old pitfalls, we’ll stumble into new (yet still old) ones, though it’s great to have this conversation here today. Thanks so much, Professor Joseph and Jane Rhodes, for joining us here today.
I haven’t seen the film either, but I can tell you that the re-enactment provoked a visceral outrage repsonse in me. Like “hey, you can’t do that. This is Amrica.”
Dr. Rhodes and Dr. Joseph, thanks so much for the chat.
for interested Firedogs, you can go to this page, and listen to Professor Rhodes talk about the book
Just my admittedly amateurish guess.
When the Imus insult of Rutgers’ women’s basketball team broke, a lot of the media turned to Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton. I think there was a sense that better representatives of the descendants of the slaves were available.
Perhaps that was analagous to picking Joe Lieberman to speak for Democrats.