Every vote should count. Except if you live in Florida or Michigan, because they broke the rules. So did Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina, but that's different. And everyone who never really knew that superdelegates existed, or what they did, is now firmly on the fainting couch.

I actually don't think any of it is going to matter, I honestly don't see how Obama's momentum doesn't carry him to a decisive victory in the next few weeks. And under those circumstances, despite what anyone is saying, I just don't see the superdelegates banding together to go against the popular vote. But I've been notoriously bad at the prognostication game during this primary season (as has almost everyone) so don't go by me.

But Tad Devine seems to agree, as he says in a NYT Op-Ed recounting his participation in Mondale's 1984 race:

The superdelegates did the work they were created to do: they provided the margin of victory to the candidate who had won the most support from primary and caucus voters.

I can say that the people doing the most hyperventilating understand the process the least, so time spent reading up on exactly what is going on would probably be well invested. So grab your favorite pie and start spinning for your candidate o'choice:

. Chris Bowers launches the Superdelegate Transparency Project. Everyone concerned about hijacking -- go help him out. (Chris is someone who thinks Florida should count "as is," though, so if you're on your way over it's my understanding he prefers lemon meringue to custard cream).

. Dean campaign veteran Jerome Armstrong says "50 means 50," and explains that Florida, Iowa, Michigan, New Hampshire, and South Carolina should have lost their super delegates and had their pledged delegates reduced by half under Rule 20.C.1.a since they all violated Rule 11.A. Andrewalker08 provides more background.

. Julian Bond wrote a letter to Howard Dean asking him to find a way to enfranchise the voters of Florida and Michigan, as did Mary Frances Berry and Roger Wilkins. They're not advocating any particular way of doing this, but want to avoid a floor fight at the convention. (I've argued that the candidates should, for their own good going forward, come to an agreement as to how to count Florida and Michigan voters and then abide by it.)

. Obama has suggested that Florida and Michigan hold caucuses, but Nelson and  Levin are opposing it:

"You can't undo an election with a caucus, especially one where 1.75 million Florida Democrats voted," said Nelson, who filed an unsuccessful lawsuit last year seeking to overturn the national party's decision to strip Florida of its delegates.

Levin had similar thoughts. "It would not be practical or fair to hold a caucus," Levin said. "You've got 600,000 people who voted. You can't just throw out the votes of 600,000 people." Levin said the state will appeal to have its delegates restored by the party convention's credentials committee this summer.

. Booman brings up an interesting possibility: Mathematically, Obama could win the number of pledged delegates while Clinton takes the popular vote. I don't expect it will happen either, but it would be mildly amusing to watch people twist themselves into logic pretzels over that one.

(h/t Jay Ackroyd)