51zg12hs-kl_aa240_.thumbnail.jpg

(Please welcome Jonathan Schell, author of The Seventh Decade: The New Shape of Nuclear Danger, in the comments — jh)

The philosophy of deterrence and proliferation is at least as old as catapult technology. Likely much older. Nations seek prestige or its restoration. They fear humiliation or its repetition. They seek invulnerability from harm and guarantees of enduring power.

The timeless motivations remain. It should therefore be unremarkable that as the Cold War justifications for ostentatious nuclear arsenals have fallen apart, new justifications have been created and the world’s current nuclear powers are preparing to improve their nuclear capabilities instead of talking about mutual disarmament. The United Kingdom, China, France and Russia are all modernizing their nuclear capacity. The UK and France have joined the United States in declaring that their nuclear arsenals could be deployed anywhere in the world against shadowy, ill-defined, as-yet unrealized threats. Schell tells us that the current global count of 443 nuclear reactors could reach 5,000 by the end of the century, while countries like Japan, Brazil and South Korea are thought to be nuclear capable in short order.

Now, entering a seventh decade of a world under permanent threat of nuclear annihilation, it seems a good time to take more seriously the "bomb in the mind," that Schell illustrates so well in this book with telling anecdotes from the global rush to proliferation.

… In 1946, after a bruising meeting with the American secretary of state James Byrnes, the British foreign minister Ernest Bevin remonstrated with Prime Minister Clement Atlee when he intimated that perhaps Britain didn’t need the bomb. "No Prime Minister, that won’t do at all," Bevin said. "We’ve got to have this. I don’t mind for myself, but I don’t want any other Foreign Secretary of this country to be talked at, or to, by the Secretary of State in the United States as I just have in my discussions with Mr. Byrnes. We’ve got to have this thing over here, whatever it costs. We’ve got to have the bloody Union Jack on top of it." …

… If Britain refused to yield exclusive great-power status (or, now, superpower status) to the United States, France refused to yield it to Britain and the United States. Believing that if it did otherwise, then, in the words of a note from the Quai d’Orsay (Ministry of Foreign Affairs), France’s "security will be entirely in the hands of the Anglo-Saxons." Or as de Gaulle would put it, with the bomb in France’s possession, "We’ll take back our status as a great power at the negotiating table." …

… Amre Moussa, the former foreign minister of Egypt, has said that if Israel declared or tested its arsenal, "Egypt would have to take drastic action." There would be "immeasurable pressure" on "certain Arab countries to go nuclear. … Membership in the NPT for Arabs would become humiliating." Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher said, "An Israeli declaration would be seen as throwing down the gauntlet. It would have a profound psychological impact in Egypt. We would have to react." …

… "We see what you are getting ready to do with Iraq. And you are not going to do it to us." [A North Korean general, explaining why his government made the decision to remove spent fuel rods from the reactor at Yongbyon in October, 2002.]

The existence of the idea of the bomb gave inexorable rise to the physical weapon, on the principle that someone would build it eventually and they had to be defended against. And as an idea, a product of human knowledge, the spread of the bomb itself has proved just as insistent. The world marches away from what non-nuclear nations often see as nuclear apartheid and towards a single standard of global mutual assured destruction.

Is this the sort of equality the world has been waiting for?

Yet the picture we’re shown is not altogether grim. Though A.Q. Khan’s "international enterprise … a network of companies in many countries" was able to cobble together material for a succesful nuclear weapons program in Pakistan, and be deployed to aid the ambitions of Iran and North Korea, it’s still a project of a scale that requires a state. No states have shown themselves willing to start a nuclear exchange in all these many years.

As McGeorge Bundy, President Kennedy’s national security adviser and nuclear historian, is quoted as saying, "in the real world of real political leaders … to bring even one hydrogen bomb on one city of one’s own country would be recognized in advance as a catastrophic blunder; ten bombs on ten cities would be a disaster beyond history; and a hundred bombs on a hundred cities are unthinkable."

Not that there is no danger, but that it has been often misstated, and ’solutions’ applied that have only worsened the problem. Thoroughly lost, for example, in the developed world’s renewed nuclear ambitions is Schell’s obvious point that "nuclear danger is posed above all by nations that possess nuclear weapons, not by those that don’t."

Taking the example of the Bush administration, Schell points out how extreme a break with American military and nuclear philosophy they have made. Ending a tradition that sought counter-proliferation through diplomacy, the Bush administration has cast off all international restraint, listing treaties right alongside terrorism as threats to American superiority. They have ended a policy of targeting only specific, credible nuclear threats with targeting the whole world from the new Global Strike command. They have declared as enemy targets any military force that would seek to prevent the entry of US forces into their territory, issuing themselves a blanket, no-knock search warrant for the world.

The image conjured by Schell’s eye-opening presentation of the Bush administration’s international power grab is a mix of Dr. Evil and Judge Dredd: the "I am the law" presidency. If not for the cost in lives, it would be wholly comic in its overreach, as events in Iraq and Afghanistan have made a joke of global dominance through superior firepower. We are reminded why, "during the Cold War, the idea of "world domination" was still regarded as an intrinsically evil goal, if not an absurd one."

Regardless of how futile it has been for US politicians to get Bush to back away from his war, it has shown once and for all that ultimate safety through pursuit of nuclear arms is an unattainable fantasy. An object lesson that should not be discarded with the rest of the trash as the president leaves office in little less than a year.

Schell says of Bush’s failed ambitions that, "A plan for global dominance was a solution on the proper scale, for the problem was and is in its very nature global: the universal pretensions of global empire matched the universal availability of the bomb in the mind." The logic of every country’s national defense leads to the result that nuclear capability in one country begets it in another. A double standard can’t endure forever under those circumstances, just as the idea of bomb can’t be uncreated.

So harking back to the Reagan administration’s own exhortations to global disarmament and America’s intellectual homage to a tradition of consent in opposition to unilateral action, Schell calls readers to consider the alternate solution of proper scale. If backed up by full inspections and good faith, international monitoring of the nuclear fuel supply, he says there’s no reason why proliferation can’t be contained and non-state actors forever prevented from acquiring nuclear capacity – a guarantee that can never be offered by the vicious cycle of the permanent arms race.

The Seventh Decade is a look at the arc and motivation of the global nuclear arms race that pays close attention to both political and psychological context, making it a valuable addition to our understanding of global strategic concerns. And with that I welcome Jonathan Schell, here today to share his wicked nuclear knowledge skills with us, along with your questions and comments.

Related posts:

  1. FDL Book Salon Welcomes, Marc J. Hetherington and Jonathan Weiler, Authoritarianism and Polarization in American Politics
  2. FDL Book Salon Welcomes Jonathan Tasini, “The Audacity of Greed: Free Markets, Corporate Thieves and the Looting of America”
  3. FDL Book Salon Welcomes Paul Starobin, After America: Narratives for the Next Global Age
  4. FDL Book Salon Welcomes Bradley Graham, By His Own Rules: The Ambitions, Successes and Ultimate Failures of Donald Rumsfeld
  5. FDL Book Salon Welcomes T. R. Reid, The Healing of America: A Global Quest for Better, Cheaper, and Fairer Health Care