If Russert were on trial, particularly for the crime of being a useful idiot, I would agree. But he isn’t, and I haven’t heard anything that would make me think that he was wrong about remembering his conversation with Libby. Just the opposite in fact – if I were on the jury I would be thinking “why is that obnoxious lawyer spinning so hard”.

But the fundamental problem is that if nothing else this trial has revealed that citizens cannot trust the traditional media to report what is really going on in Washington DC. So the opinion of Newsweek reporters is not really trustworthy.

Cranky

… It was a legitimate question as to how Wilson was chosen for the Niger trip – he was not CIA, he was not a trained investigator, he was not a WMD expert, and he hadn’t been to Niger for a number of years. Plus – as subsequent events have shown – he was a blabbermouth and a publicity hound, a horrible choice for a sensitive CIA mission.

unless there was another linked motivation — to out his wife, to end her Brewster-Jennings investigation of nukes in the Middle-East … Maybe!

Considering that Scooter had heard from Cheney about Plame and supposing that the word had gotten out about her and Potatohead Russert actually did ask Scooter about it. What does that tell us?

First, it doesn’t tell us whether Scooter knew who in the administration had been part of the outing of Plame of, or if in fact, he was one of those people.

Second, it doesn’t tell us whether Scooter was curious whereof Russert had received his information. He might’ve just been handling Russert’s comment as any admin. official should.

Third, it doesn’t tell us why he didn’t go to the veep and ask why Russert knew about Plame and who might’ve leaked it (admin., CIA or other). Someone should ask him (if he takes the stand) if he told anyone of this revelation or if he investigated whether someone in the admin. had leaked it.

Cheney telling him, ‘I know you didn’t leak the NIE (out Plame).’ was fascinating. It indicates that Cheney knew who the leaker was, not just that he trusted Libby wouldn’t leak.

This whole case is somewhat of a muddled mess. Even if Libby obstructed by claiming Timmeh first told him after he said earlier that the veep had told him, it’s not clear who ordered it (probably Bush, who else could?), who did the leaking (probably half a dozen people, to be sure it got out), which reporters were told (some may not have come forward) and why (I speculate it’s about Plame and nukes, but could easily be wrong. Would they really out a CIA NOC over the Wilson op-ed?)

How would Armitage have known the Niger docs were a fraud? What was his position at the time? Would this particular administration allow any war critic to stay in the gov’t.? I can’t imagine that happening.

Libby’s side keeps insisting the Niger docs are valid even now. It’s amazing. I suppose they figure there’s no way to walk away from them even though their very creation/forgeriness has been investigated and linked nearly back to the White House.

Ignoring the craziness of it all, just considering what happened and the lies of it all (there were no nukes), they’re all guilty as sin and should probably hang.

If Russert and Fitzgerald were feeling a bit crestfallen by the exposure of Russert’s faulty memory, their moods went south quickly when Wells introduced into evidence the sworn affidavit that Russert submitted in an attempt by him and NBC News to squash the grand jury subpoena for Russert in 2004.

The affidavit began with Russert explaining what a big wheel he is in the media, lists his awards, and then explains how he has sources all throughout the government that he protects with promises of confidentiality. The affidavit then says that because of Russert’s promises of confidentiality, he cannot even confirm to the government whether the conversation with Libby took place, let alone tell what was said.

Wells revisited the interview with the FBI agent, named Eckenrode(sp?), which took place in November 2003–many months before the affidavit.

Wells pointed out that Russert spoke about the conversation with Libby with the FBI agent without even verifying that the man on the phone was indeed an FBI agent or whether Libby had indeed waived confidentiality on the conversation.

Russert tried to weasel out of it by saying he considered Libby’s phone call a “viewer complaint” about Hardball’s coverage of the Joe Wilson story and that he had only told the agent his side of the conversation because the agent told him Libby was saying Russert told him about Plame.

Wells hammered home that Russert had not included this conversation with a government agent in his affidavit–raising the possibility that Russert filed a false affidavit with the court.

By this point Fitzgerald was slouched in his chair, intently staring at the jury to gauge their reaction to his star witness getting methodically taken apart.

It appears that this “case” has collapsed with Russert. Fitz will have to rehabiliate this witness.

Lord, these folks are running scared, aren’t they?

Won’t work, guys. Russert’s version of his conversation with Libby is consistent with everyone else who has testified.

That’s what they’ve missed so far, maybe they’ll get more into it tomorrow. They’re focusing on the fact that Russert forgot about a call before, but by definition, if Russert didn’t know who Valerie Plame was, and where she worked, it’s impossible for him to have told Libby.

That’s what they’ve missed so far, maybe they’ll get more into it tomorrow. They’re focusing on the fact that Russert forgot about a call before, but by definition, if Russert didn’t know who Valerie Plame was, and where she worked, it’s impossible for him to have told Libby.